Living without a mission: surviving between emotional and ideological nourishments


… A history put in perspective
The rivalry between the Saudi Arabian monarch and Qatar and by extension, the Muslim Brotherhood was put in proper perspective by an eminent scholar, Abu MazeedatilKhayr Bn Sa’eed in his recent lecture delivered at Nasarawa State College of Agriculture, Lafia Nigeria entitled: THREATS AND PHOBIA…

ISTANBUL, TURKEY - APRIL 14: (Front L to R) Emir of Kuwait Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, Saudi King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan pose for a family photo piror to the opening session of the 13th Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Summit at Istanbul Congress Center (ICC), in Istanbul, Turkey on April 14, 2016. Istanbul hosts the two-day 13th OIC Summit on the April 14-15, 2016 with the attendance by prime ministers and presidents from over 30 countries. (Photo by Veli Gurgah/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images)

The Renaissance editorial team have decided to give the paper another title because of its implications for the Muslim youths and why they cannot and should not only rely on emotional nourishments of the Saudi as well as other traditional religious scholars but to realise the need for them to also survive on the ideological nourishments of great scholars and reformers of our age in order to gracefully withstanding the dynamics of the contemporary world.

Have a nice reading…
Threats and Phobia…

My father was fond of admonishing us to love the righteous, especially scholars who identify with the Deen of Allah because, in his own words, “eni t’oba nife awon alfa, Olohun o yo alfa ninu awon omo re” – “Whoever loves men of religion, Allah will certainly provide for him from his loins righteous children who will be devoted to religion”.

From this admonition, I have come to develop my own aphorism that ‘whoever loves a good idea, Allah will bless him with a child who will be devoted to propagating that idea or a similar one. ” This is an evident fact of human existence.

I have seen enough of this fact as a manifestation of truth in human life. I have therefore inferred logically that “whoever celebrates the plight of a fallen hero, will certainly be made to suffer a similar fall in his lifetime”.

The main reality of this fact becomes evident, and even more apparent in the present ideological interplay between the Saudi kingdom and the Muslim Brotherhood of the Arab world. It is pathetic indeed that the entire Muslim Ummah woukd have to live with the pain of this artificial dichotomy created by the Saudi royals for the fear of losing the throne.

However, those who know the history of their interaction from inception will only laugh at how it had gradually deteriorated from the level of a patron-nation to that of the haunting phobia for dethronement; and then, acute hatred and ideological disillusionment on the side of the Saudi royals.

Thus, this evolving sentiment is largely responsible for the disunity among the people of Sunnah today; and also some unnecessary niggling on those theological issues which have continued to keep us back and widely apart.

Of course, some of these issues may have evidential backing in the Sunnah, while others are seriously lacking in jurispudential evidence. The Saudis have only amplified the available evidence to protect the throne against a probable threat from the Brotherhood movement and not necessarily because of their belief in the doctrine.

I can, for instance, cite both the doctrine of “laa jamaa’h” and “don’t question the leadership” as two good examples of this ‘political doctrine of religious commitment’ tactically employed by the monarchy to protect the throne. Even, sometimes, these two doctrines are erroneously assumed to be fundamental principles of Islam.

While the former lacks any fundamental basis in jurisprudence and remains a mere fabrication of the monarchy, the latter’s theological proof is only emphasized to protect the throne against rebellion and not because the ruling class believes in it, otherwise the Saudi government wouldn’t have partaken in dethroning Mursi in Egypt, causing havoc in Syria and co-sponsoring the Afghan jihad.

Of course, this strategy of laa jamaah has worked to a great extent in penetrating those small minds that are petty. Prior to the postulation and spread of this doctrine, as earlier affirmed, the Saudi government had maintained a good brotherly relationship with the Ikhwaanis.

The relationship was glowingly enviable, so much that in the 60s, during their trials, the Ikhwaanis had sought ideological refuge and political asylum from the Saudi government, which the latter gladly granted, aside the huge financial support she frequently offered the movement to aid its dawah.

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Many professional Ikhwaanis on political asylum were employed as University professors; physicians in Saudi hospitals and senior engineers who undertook some major projects for the kingdom. Of course, many more were also gainfully employed in the system.

For example, Professor Muhammad Qutb, someone ordinarily considered as radical as his older brother, was not only offered a University teaching job, but was also entrusted with the intellectual duty of authoring the books of Tawheed used in secondary schools, published and distributed by the Saudi’s ministry of education – Wizaarat Al Ma’aarif!

Those who schooled in Saudi university’s colleges of Shari’ah in the 70s would not hesitate to confirm that they studied the seminar work titled “التشريع الجنائي الإسلامي – “The Islamic criminal law” , written by Abdul Qaadir Audah, the Secretary General of the Muslim Brotherhood sentenced to death and hanged by the tyrants in the early days of the movement.

The Saudis had deliberately put in place a number of Islamic relief agencies and centers to assist the Ikhwaani tendency grow with time – WAMY, IRA, IFSO, ITA etc. All, but WAMY, have their headquaters in some other neighbouring gulf states. WAMY’s is however situated in Jeddah and Riyadh.

All these Saudi-sponsored foreign agencies were however consistently publishing and distributing ideological literatures written by Ikhwaani scholars and thinkers. The agencies also served as major avenues through which the Saudi petro-dollar was channelled towards the ikhwani dawah operating at various locations in the world.

With this mutual display of comradery, at what stage did the relationship begin to suffer?

It was in the late 70s. The historic ten decades of Ulamah’s struggle in Iran had increasingly gained momentum with Khomeini’s rebellion which finally exploded into a revolutionary upheavals that consumed the reign of Shah in 1979. It was an era when many frightening events in the Muslim world had occurred simultaneously.

Khalid Islambuli had also gunned down the President of Egypt, Anwar Sadat, in a military parade, with a criminal inspiration acquired from Faraj’s book, Jihad: Al-Fareedhatul Gaahibah. The pharaonic political landscape of Egypt was in disarray, as Hosni Mubarak grabbed the mantle of power.

In Saudi Arabia, Juhaiman Al-Otaibah, the rebellious student of the mufti, Shaykh Ibn Baaz, had militarily invaded, taken over and violated the sanctity of the holy sanctuary in Makkah and declared the arrival of Mahdi, asking the monarchy to pay allegiance to the awaited Imam. It was indeed a critical moment that jolted the clerics.

At this stage, the ruling class of the Saudi kingdom had become jittery, as the privileged royals analysed the threatening occurrences and calculated the cost of retaining a brotherly friendship with a movement whose ultimate goal was the global caliphate. The immediate result of this calculation was the phobia for the prospect of being outsmarted, one day, by the enlightened group of Ikhwaanis.

The fact that the rebellious youngster from the kingdom, Juhaiman Al-Otaibah, could still initiate an uprising against the state and the respected clergy, despite the fact that he had schooled in the halqah of Shaykh Bn Baz, reinforced the fear. To the house of Sauud, the ancestral throne must be protected at all cost.

This phobia then inspired a new worldview and religious verdicts which subsequently redefined the relationship and elevated it to that of mutual suspicion. The first step in the wrong direction was to initiate a campaign against jamaah or group affiliation, so as to discourage the prospects of pressure groups that may challenge the throne.

Thus, the “laa Jamaah” tendency subsequently became a newly propagated mas’halah in their jurisprudence after the rebellion of Juhaiman, whose group – Jamaa’tu Salafiyah Al-Muhtasibah – had invaded the Haram. I must quickly add at this junction that when Juhaiman first established his group and came up with the name Jama’atu Salafiyah, the adjective “Al-Muhtasibah” was added to it by Bn Baaz when he sought his blessing.

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Thus, if Bn Baaz had helped put the jamaah in better shape, at what stage did the idea of belonging to an Islamic group start attracting condemnation from the Saudi scholars? The clerics actually helped the government popularize the idea and also establish it as a religious doctrine to prevent people from coming together to challenge the throne.

You can take the time to visit each country of the Sunni world and tell me where you find this doctrine preached by Sunnah scholars, unless you tell me that Saudi Arabia is the only habitation of the clerics of Sunnah.

The Ikhwaani scholars who had been hitherto protected, celebrated and promoted by the kingdom were now run down. For example, Abul A’la Maududi, who had earlier been awarded the prestigious King Faisal medal for dawah, was declared a deviant. The ideological works, especially books written by them, started receiving intellectual punches from the Saudi clergy.

The noble idea of sponsoring and distributing the books of Mustafa Sibai’, Abul Hassan Ali Nadwi, Sayyid Qutb, Abul A’la Maududi that was hitherto championed by the kingdom-sponsored agencies, such as WAMY and IFSO, ceased to flourish. It however became worse when the valuable books were banned.

However, the Ikhwaani ideological thought was not the only victim of this fear. The revolutionary Shiites were also pushed back justifiably, as works of Ali Shariati, Tabaitabai and Muntazari were made to suffer crucial setbacks and vehemently disengaged from conquering the over zealous minds of Muslim youths in the Sunni world.

This crucial setback of the Shite revolutionary thoughts was successfully achieved with a wide distribution of antithetical views in new books, such as Al-Khutuut Al-A’reedha and Ar-Radd a’la raafidha, published and distributed by the Saudis. Indeed, the Saudis have really done us a favour of prophetic guidance in this regards!

But this favour of guidance is merely informed by the threat and phobia of dethronement, and not necessarily by the claimed aversion for the filthy creed. The diplomatic relationship maintained by the Saudi monarchy with the Shiite Iran in the era of Shah would explain this better.

The major works of the Saudi scholars then flooded the market. It’s only a foolish mind that would ever consider those books on Tawheed, bidi’ah, Sunnah, niqab and Usuul thalatha irrelevant to our ideological well-beings; but certainly, indeed, we were only fortunate to have them as alternative sources of emotional nourishment.

It’s however a great damage to the Muslim psyche, if deprived the benefit of being nurtured by the works of Fat-hi Yakan, Mustafa Siba’i, Abul Hassan Ali Nadwi and Abul A’la Maududi. With the lack of essential ideological nourishment often provided by these scholars, the Muslim youths have now chosen to live without a mission.

Consequently, the Ikhwaani scholars are maligned. They were declared heretics. Spurious evidence was dug up against them to vilify their dawah and to also expunge the accounts of their valour, courage and victories from the history of dawah. It’s so funny to hear them strip Sayyid Qutb of martyrdom, simply because of the fear of losing the throne.

Of course, with that propaganda effectively orchestrated by the kingdom, the small minds were easily won over. But yet, the Saudi royals did not relax, as the fear of conquest continues to grow. Each side they turn, they feel the threatening shadow of the Muslim Brotherhood. In fact, the Ikhwaanis have always occupied their phobic imagination.

Thus, they wouldn’t hesitate to kill, maim and roast the Ikhwaani brothers like chickens, if only to guard the throne. With spurious verdicts and indoctrination, they’ve planted hatred, ill-feelings and unnecessary acts of antagonism in the minds of some Muslim youths who see nothing good in fellow Muslims.

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They extravagantly threw $12 billion into Egypt, not to feed the extremely impoverished Muslims of that poor Arab nation; but sadly, to dethrone a government that shares the prospect of establishing Islam. In all of these, the hero worshippers of the Saudi kingdom could only find a good example of how to deal with the heretics.

They wouldn’t also mind reducing the whole of Yemen to ashes and killing all of its Muslim inhabitants, if only to safeguard the throne against the Shiite-Iran, for if the Houthis should take control of Yemen, the Iranian influence will be too close to resist. But frankly speaking, It’s only a way of protecting the magnificent seat.

With this hatred at its height, the backfiring effect is, predictably, the wrath of Allah, which is what we’ve started to witness in the recent occurrence of deviations. Going back to my opening page, “whoever celebrates the plight of a fallen hero will certainly suffer a similar fate in his lifetime”.

The royals of the Saudi kingdom are criminals, even if they spend billions of dollars to print and distribute the holy Quran in various languages. They are rogues, even if they spend trillions of pounds to build mosques and dig wells. They’re unjust, wrong doers and people of perverted conscience. They must therefore seek Allah’s pardon, if they must get it right.

Muhammad Bn Salman is only an innocent young Prince used by Allah to cause their moral degeneration and spiritual failures, to prepare the ground for the imminent punishment of Allah that usually follows every act of betrayal and wrong doing perpetuated by his father, uncles, cousins and other unrepentant rogues of his lineage.

With their hatred and ill-feelings against the righteous who have only chosen to reform the world within the limit of their capability, they shouldn’t expect to beget a better child than the son of Salman, for those who live to hate the righteous may not procreate righteous offspring who will live to sustain righteousness on earth.

The sad event of 2013 at the Rabia A’dawiya mosque in Cairo lingers on in my memory. I watched on my large TV screen how Muslims were subjected to an unprecedented cruel attacks inside the mosque. My eyes were laced with tears as women, children and hapless men cried for help in the pool of their blood. Brothers and sisters, I need not belong to the movement before sympathizing with fellow Muslims.

It was indeed my saddest day, against my anticipation of a blissful night. Earlier that day, I had married a beautiful Muslimah-virgin in her early 20s who had just graduated from medical school, but the anguish I suffered from the pathetic sight of that brutality sponsored by the Saudi royals, had spoilt the night.

That particular night, I stood in prayers, and not in the romantic arms of my bride, and sought Allah’s wrath against every wrong doer who stood against the truth in Egypt. Saudi Arabia, in particular, is accountable for the crime of Sisi. May Allah help humiliate all oppressors, wherever they live on earth.

Soon, the aged father of Muhammad will relinquish power and honourably vacate the throne for his son, and the young Kamal Atartuk of the modern Arabia, will finally demolish the contractual legacy of his ancestors. It’s a punishment from Allah to the custodians of the kingdom’s authority, for Allah does not guide the oppressors, the wrong doers!
A lecture delivered at Nasarawa State College Of Agriculture, Lafia Nigeria by Abu MazeedatilKhayr Bn Sa’eed

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